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then for a daughter of the former Duke of Milan, but in every case ‘… the chief diffi culty which they speak of will be owing to the great quantity of money which the king of England will want’
,23
by way of dowry. In other words Edward was being greedy, and overpricing his son. More realistically, in 1481, an agreement was almost concluded with Duke Francis II of Brittany for a marriage with his daughter and heir Anne but this was abandoned at the last minute possibly because of the King’s fears of the inevitable reaction from the King of France if the heir to one of his major fi efs were to wed the future King of England. Meanwhile Elizabeth (who was not, of course, the heir) had been betrothed to the Dauphin, and Cecily to the future James IV of Scotland, at the time boy of about 5. Of the older girls, only Mary was uncommitted and she may have been in poor health because she was to die in 1482 at the age of 15. Anne, Catherine and Bridget were too young and too far down the pecking order to have been considered in this context. Richard,
T U D O R Q U E E N S O F E N G L A N D
open to interpretation. Although the realm was in ‘quiet and prosperous estate’
thanks to the late king’s energetic and continuous judicial perambulations that was a fragile and personal achievement. Those who favoured Richard pointed to his proven track record and argued for a full Protectorate, which would include custody of the King’s person, and would last until he achieved his majority at 18. Those most favourable to the Queen, on the other hand, tried to claim that the Protectorship should last only until the King was crowned – effectively a few weeks – after which the Queen Mother could be as much in control as she might chose. Alternatively, the Protectorate could be interpreted, not as the kind of full power that Humphrey of Gloucester had enjoyed, but as little more than a nominal presidency of the Council. Meanwhile Richard was still in the north, where he dutifully proclaimed Edward V at York as soon as news of the King’s death reached him and wrote a suitable letter of condolence to the Queen. For all his apparent confi dence and ruthlessness, however, Richard appears to have been of a nervous and suspicious disposition, and he undoubtedly knew of the efforts which Elizabeth and her friends were making in council to undermine his position. He had, apparently, no fi xed hostility to the Woodville/Grey connection, but he was suspicious of their intentions, and particularly suspicious of the close relationship that existed between the young Prince of Wales and his maternal uncle, Earl Rivers. He was well aware that he hardly knew the boy himself, and might fi nd it diffi cult to win his confi dence. His suspicions were probably increased by the fact that the Marquis of Dorset was Constable of the Tower, Sir Edward Woodville commanded the fl eet, and that a sizeable force had been assemble in the south-east in anticipation of another spat with France. In other words he feared a coup against himself, and seems to have been persuaded that not only his position but his life was in danger.
Meanwhile, plans were being made to bring the young king from Ludlow, where he had been discharging his princely functions, to London. He would be conducted by Earl Rivers, and Elizabeth, who seems to have had suspicions of her own, argued in council for a large force to escort him. The Council, however, was unwilling to entrust so substantial an army to Earl Rivers, and arguing that there was no need for such precautions, imposed a ceiling of 2,000 on the escort. Ironically Lord Hastings appears to he been the proposer of this limitation. Richard, who was simultaneously moving towards London with a much larger force, seized his opportunity, and intercepted the royal escort at Stony Stratford on the 30 April. Rivers and his nephew Richard Grey were arrested and the royal escort dismissed.
26 The Duke of Gloucester’s intentions at
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